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False confessions and the relationship with offending behaviour and personality among Danish adolescents antibiotic 100mg purchase keflex 500 mg with mastercard. Snitching antibiotics for acne dangers discount keflex 500 mg on-line, lies and computer crashes: An experimental investigation of secondary confessions bacteria 1 urinalysis discount keflex 500mg with mastercard. The relationship between social support and physiological processes: A review with emphasis on underlying mechanisms and implications for health antibiotics for uti with birth control order 250mg keflex with amex. Legal decisions of preadolescent and adolescent defendants: Predictors of confessions, pleas, communication with attorneys, and appeals. Competence to waive interrogation rights and adjudicative competence in adolescent defendants: Cognitive development, attorney contact, and psychological symptoms. Adjudicative competence and comprehension of Miranda rights in adolescent defendants: A comparison of legal standards. From the lab to the police station: A successful application of eyewitness research. Eyewitness identification procedures: Recommendations for lineups and photospreads. False confessions and the constitution: Safeguards against untrustworthy confessions. Translating the research on interrogations, confessions and entrapment into policy. Final Report Period Covering July 1, 2018 ­ June 1, 2020 State of California Senate Bill No. Over the course of this demonstration pilot ("Project Baby Bear") a single, comprehensive tool historically employed only as a last resort proved it could serve as the standard of care for testing sick babies early in their hospitalizations. Through robust stewardship of the funding, these five clinical sites enrolled 78% more babies than expected, nearly doubling the state-mandated genome sequencing requirement of 100 babies in the 2018 Budget Act appropriation of $2 million. The state funds are now fully expended and, as required by legislation, the following summary and analysis serve as the final report to the California Department of Health Care Services. In a rapid precision medicine system, clinicians employ genetic and other information to tailor treatments to specific individuals or groups. Project Baby Bear language in the 2018-19 state budget included the following: (a) Notwithstanding any other law, of the funds appropriated in this item, $2,000,000 shall be available for the Whole Genome Sequencing Pilot Project. The grantee shall complete whole genome sequencings of Medi-Cal neonatal and pediatric intensive care patients from identified Medi-Cal sites statewide with a goal of completing a minimum of 100. The grantee shall report semi-annual updates to the department, and to the fiscal and policy committees of the Legislature through July 1, 2020, or until the funds are fully expended, whichever is sooner. Within 120 days of the final expenditure of all funds appropriated for this purpose, the grantee shall report to the department and to the fiscal and policy committees of the Legislature the results of the pilot project including, but not limited to, the following: 1. A cost analysis of comparative effectiveness in patient diagnostics and treatment. For more information on previous state reports and project background, please visit. These changes led to: · 513 fewer days in the hospital (Appendix B, Table 7) · 11 fewer major surgeries, including a major reconstructive surgery on the upper airway and a bowel surgery (Appendix C). Given their diagnoses, the children would not have benefited from these surgeries. This table summarizes the results of those tests for each of the five participating hospitals. Each dot on the right map represents the zip code of the primary residence of a Project Baby Bear enrollee. Types of Genetic Diseases Diagnosed the presentating signs and symptoms of disease in the 178 babies enrolled in Project Baby Bear were extremely varied (Appendix A, Table 4). Each genetic disease diagnosed in Project Baby Bear infants is documented in Appendix A, Table 5 alongside the incidence of the disease in the U. Thirty-five of the diagnosed genetic diseases have an incidence of less than one in one million births. These conditions are so rare that many treating physicians had never seen them before. Sixty-five of the 71 primary genetic diseases were diagnosed Final Report: July 1, 2018 ­ June 1, 2020 Page 6 just once in the Baby Bear population. Twenty-six babies (15%) were diagnosed with genetic diseases for which effective treatments are available (Appendix A, Table 6). However, genome screening also led to changes in the management of many other Project Baby Bear infants for whom an effective treatment was not available. Project Baby Bear vitally shortened the time needed to accurately diagnose and optimally treat these critically ill children. The Project refuted the adage that when it comes to faster, better, cheaper, a system can only achieve two out of the three. The results presented in this report demonstrate that earlier clinical decisions informed by rapid diagnoses improved health outcomes, decreased suffering and reduced healthcare costs. Faster and Better is Actually Cheaper Caring for severely ill babies entails the use of tremendous resources. However, evidence from the five pilot sites shows that not employing this model is even more expensive, because inconclusive tests, ineffective treatments, lengthy hospitalizations and suboptimal outcomes are costly and time consuming. Standard methods of diagnosis for comparable disorders frequently take weeks or months. The project improved the health outcomes of babies, delivering rapid diagnoses that led to valuable changes in clinical management. These changes ranged from prescription of the right medicines sooner to difficult decisions to discontinue futile care. Using the most comprehensive genomic test available, Project Baby Bear provided families with timely diagnostic information that reduced uncertainty and empowered them to make lifealtering medical decisions. Final Report: July 1, 2018 ­ June 1, 2020 Page 8 Case Studies Show Impact in Four Dimensions the introduction of genome sequencing in some of the most vulnerable of babies covered by Medi-Cal had a profound impact on four key dimensions of healthcare (Figure 2). Improved the health outcomes of babies by providing rapid diagnoses which led to beneficial changes in clinical management. Improved the experience of healthcare for families by providing timely diagnostic and prognostic information, reducing uncertainty and empowering families to make informed medical decisions. Lowered the cost of delivering care by reducing unnecessary tests, procedures and time spent in the hospital. By the time they develop symptoms it may be too late to change the trajectory of their illness. Moreover, their diagnostic workup is challenging and, for many, the results fail to effectively address the root of their illness. In the absence of a definitive diagnosis, medicines, surgeries and other activities intended to be therapeutic may fail to fix the problem or actually be harmful. They expose babies to the risks of anesthesia and to complications from the procedures themselves, without a clear benefit. The mother in Case 26 had an uncomplicated pregnancy and went home with her newborn shortly after delivery. The baby boy was in good health for three months, but then began to fatigue easily, breathe with difficulty and feed and drink less. An echocardiogram showed a severely enlarged left heart with mitral valve regurgitation, a sometimes-benign condition in which a heart valve fails to close completely. Within two months the baby returned to the emergency room with a cough and labored breathing. A second echocardiogram showed that his heart function was worsening despite his heart medication. The sequencing identified a genetic change in a gene known to cause cardiomyopathy (a disease that damages the heart muscle and reduces its ability to adequately pump blood and oxygen to the body). Knowing the cardiomyopathy was caused by a genetic disease and not something that would spontaneously improve, clinicians added a full spectrum of heart failure medications to the original captopril prescription. This more intense approach helped stabilize the baby and prevented further complications. Informed by the known disease trajectory, clinicians were confident that his condition would not improve with medical management alone, allowing the baby to be considered for a heart transplant sooner than would have been the case in the absence of a diagnosis. Informed by the diagnosis, clinicians knew that a heart transplant would be curative. The baby girl in Case 29 was born with a slow heart rate and severe anatomic and functional heart abnormalities that threatened her life.

Much of the novel appears at first antibiotics for sinus infection pregnancy buy cheap keflex 500 mg line, however virus 92014 cheap keflex 500mg otc, to xcell antimicrobial wound dressing purchase discount keflex line tell a different story as the narrator antibiotics ok during pregnancy generic keflex 750mg otc, who speaks anonymously, describes his increasing efforts to create an African American identity. He is a musician who develops a growing interest in African American traditions and ultimately decides to go to the South to discover more about them. In shock and dismay he flees from the South, from his quest, and, finally, from any kind of African American identity. He becomes white, marries (though his bride knows his secret), and assumes a new life. Building on Du Boisian themes, Johnson stresses the integrity and heroism of an African American cultural and historical experience. But he also expresses deep concern about the possibilities for creating a wholly positive African American identity in a bifurcated, segregated American world. In many ways, it helps to summarize a history of growing unease about prospects and possibilities in an increasingly racist environment. It is also a capstone in the way it African American Narratives 293 looks toward issues of identity as such, grappling profoundly with dilemmas of distinctiveness and what Du Bois influentially described as ``double consciousness,' a sense of, among other things, being American and not American at one and the same time. Such themes would come to dominate African American narratives in the postWorld War I period, continuing through much of the twentieth century. The Rise and Progress of the Kingdoms of Light and Darkness; or, the Reign of Kings Alpha and Abadon. In his Own Voice: the Dramatic and Other Uncollected Works of Paul Laurence Dunbar, ed. Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century. Black American Writing from the Nadir: the Evolution of a Literary Tradition, 1877­1915. Reconstructing Black Womanhood: the Emergence of the Afro-American Woman Novelist. Written by Herself: Literary Production by African American Women, African American Narratives Martin, Jay, ed. The Crucible of Race: Black/White Relations in the American South since Emancipation. Of course, different cities incorporated these changes differently, some gradually, some dramatically. Nearly all fictions with city settings explored the changing relationship of private and public ``spheres. Others stayed closer to pre-Civil War urban imagery, the focus kept more closely on residential dimensions of urban life. Their physical spaces are built on a human scale and domesticate nature in parks and gardens. Even Rebecca Harding Davis, whose Life in the Iron Mills (1861) had pioneered the theme of urban industry on a small West Virginian scale, downplayed the impact of industry and mechanization on Philadelphia in Waiting for the Verdict (1867). Her post-Civil War novel presents a port city bound to its mercantile past and old-family elites. Its ``steep manufactories' and ``rushing trains' are relatively peripheral, and its industrial sector is mentioned only once. Her fictional Philadelphia is a cultural expression of private family associations. Its ruling irony is that the ``Quaker City' of brotherly love has turned socially exclusionary; those who can find no place there are social outcasts who lack ``good blood': a mulatto physician and a white artisan of illegitimate birth. But it focuses on family, not business matters (Lynn 1971: 279), and its Boston setting is shaped by social standing and cultural forms, not industrial economics. The Rise of Silas Lapham uses private homes to characterize the cultural standing of two cohesive families, whose children eventually join in marriage. In the Bostonians, New York is ``a larger world' with ``the infinite possibilities of a great city. Although the novel brings the battle back to Boston, where Basil tears Verena away from a public speaking engagement Olive has made for her, it is New York that offers larger possibilities for both public and private life. This New York is much more public than the fictional New York James had created just seven years earlier in Washington Square (1881), which anticipates the neighborhood focus that would sustain the family-centered imagery of the cultural city into the twentieth century. In A Hazard of New Fortunes (1890), Howells plunges middle-aged Basil and Isabel March into a new economic city. They are especially fascinated by the elevated railroad, built in 1868 but still unique among American cities. A journal editor like Howells, Basil tries to keep the urban ``spectacle' at a ``picturesque' aesthetic distance (Haenni 1999: 494): 300 Sidney H. A Hazard of New Fortunes is the first novel to find an adequate structure for the new urban world dominated by industrial economics ­ in the mechanical El and public strike that shape its New York setting and plot, and in its lack of any leading character. For here, with the publication of A Hazard of New Fortunes midway between the Civil War and World War I, occurred a ``paradigm shift' in the full sense established by Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann (1966). The leap from the cultural morals of Rise to the economic risks of Hazard was not easy for Howells to make. A painful part of his ``conversion' to Christian socialism (Woodress 1993: 19), it meant relinquishing an expressive, family-based civic life to confront national economic inequities as limits on urban life. American cities were joined not only by railroads, but in 1883 by railroad standard time; and street railroads linked them to ``streetcar suburbs' (Warner 1962). Manufactured goods replaced home production in daily urban life ­ first spinning and weaving, then food processing. The privacy of city homes was breached by utility networks for gas and sewage, later for electricity and telephones; and many downtown residents crowded into apartment buildings and tenements. Total urban populations grew overwhelming, too: from nearly 20 percent of Americans living in cities in 1860 to over 45 percent by 1910; from nine cities with populations over 100,000 in 1860 to fifty-five by 1910 (McKelvey 1973: 104, 37, 73). Because they usually leaven their realism with picturesque sentimentality, Sabine Haenni (1999: 494) argues that they present fictional slums ``as a public, familiarized, and detoxified pleasure zone' for readers seeking low-life excitement. Although most immigrants came from rural backgrounds, they tended to settle in large cities for a number of reasons. First, that is where they disembarked and where, once the ethnic group had established itself, they found others from their original culture. Second, as urban industries made cities less appealing living environments, native-born Americans fled to the suburbs; but immigrants could not afford to commute, and so had to live near their workplaces. Third, fearing unemployment, immigrants wanted to live in cities where, if they were laid off, they could find other work. Originally titled Yankele the Yankee, not Yankele the Jew (Chametzky 1977: 67­8), however, Yekl still belongs to the cultural more than the economic city. Yekl replaces his own sober greenhorn suit with loud city slicker clothes, his Yiddish with American slang; and he goes into debt to divorce his old-world wife, Gitl, for a dancehall floozie. Even as cultural-city imagery remained available for fictional cities centered in residential life and shaped by private choices, the economic city became the paradigm for showing the impact of national systems on local, even private urban affairs. Its public economic forces threaten private choices and shape political, aesthetic, and social institutions. Primarily a ``streetcar city' (Weber and Lloyd 1975: passim), its anti-natural environment is a belated expression of Romantic anti-urbanism. Its physical spaces are determined by economic systems, especially the mechanical networks of factories, rail transportation, and utilities. Its society is articulated by economic classes and segregated residential patterns, which fragment community and family alike. Its heterogeneous population shares little beyond a belief in economic individualism, leaving each person previously occupied by a single family. New tenements were also built, creating an unimaginable density and eliminating yards, trees, and sunlight. On the Lower East Side in 1890, the population density was an astonishing 334,000 people per square mile. Rents were exorbitant, with landlords making profits of 15­30 percent while their properties degenerated beyond repair. By 1894 half the population of New York City lived in 39,000 ``dumb-bell' tenements, most of them without bathtubs, toilets, or running water. Inhabitants were also vulnerable to nativist stereotyping and hostility, both from Anglo-Americans and from the descendants of former immigrants.

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Legal immigrants continue to antibiotic resistance of bacterial biofilms buy keflex online account for three-fourths of the foreign-born population in the United States antibiotics walking pneumonia buy keflex in united states online, while about 11 million are unauthorized immigrants bacteria 80s buy keflex master card. The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 caused a major shift in the countries of origin of U infection 0 mycoplasme buy keflex in india. By 2013, the proportion of European and Canadian immigrants had shrunk to 14 percent, superseded by South/East Asians (26 percent), Mexicans (28 percent), and other Latin Americans (24 percent). Immigration has been an important factor in population growth in the most recent decades due to fertility at or below replacement level among native-born women. The contribution of immigration to population growth is even greater than suggested by the number of foreign-born people entering the United States, due to high fertility rates among immigrants. If current immigration and fertility trends continue for 100 years, four in ten Americans will be post-1980 immigrants or their descendants. Life expectancy has increased as the death rate has declined so that an American born now can expect to live 78 years, up from 71 years at the beginning of the 1970s. Basic Concepts-A community is a concentration of people whose major social and economic needs are satisfied primarily within the area where they live. When several million people live within a given geographical area, some sociologists do not believe that such large concentrations of people can be described as communities. A city is a dense and permanent concentration of people who live in a limited geographical area and who earn their living primarily through nonagricultural activities. The definition of a city was established when urbanization had just begun and population concentrations were small. In addition to containing a reasonably large number of people, cities are characterized by permanence, density, heterogeneity, and occupational specialization of inhabitants. An urban area is a census block with a population density of no less than 1,000 persons per square mile. An urbanized area is composed of a central city, or cities, of 50,000 or more and the surrounding densely inhabited territory. While now taken for granted in many parts of the world, urbanization is a fairly recent development. During the time of the Roman Empire, it is unlikely that many cities had populations larger than 33,000; the entire population of Rome itself was probably under 350,000. Four types of people were attracted by cities: 1) the elite for whom the city provided a setting for consolidating political, military, or religious power; 2) the functionaries or political or religious officials who carried out the plans of the elite; 3) craftspeople who came to the city to work and sell their products to the elite and functionaries; and 4) the poor and destitute, who came to the city for economic relief but were seldom able to improve their condition. Preindustrial types of cities exist today in places in Africa, Asia and Latin America that are not industrialized. Particularly capital cities attract people from rural areas seeking a better life. Many cities in developing nations lack the housing, sanitation, transportation, and communication facilities needed to accommodate their residents, not do they have the expected economic opportunities. Rise of the Modern City-The Industrial Revolution brought changes in agriculture, commerce, and industry that allowed for better food production and more efficient transportation systems with less human labor. Factories tended to be located near each other where they took advantage of available resources, like waterways, and could share transportation and raw materials. The concentration of industry led to denser populations of factory workers, which in turn attracted retailers, innkeepers, entertainers, and a wide range of people offering services to city dwellers. The center of the city was most important during preindustrial times; it was safer to live in cities than outside of them. Members of the upper class lived near the center of preindustrial cities, which gave them access to the most important government and religious buildings as well as the main market. The outskirts of cities were populated by the poor and those with low-status craft occupations, such as tanning and butchering. These were the least desirable areas due to their lack of accessibility to the central city. In contrast, cities in industrialized nations are connected by sophisticated communication and transportation networks which have the opposite effect of the walls that protected preindustrial cities. Development has occurred away from the central city and into surrounding suburban areas. In fact, many central cities are now losing population to the areas surrounding them. The population outside central cities is expanding faster than central cities themselves. Improvements in communication, such as telephones, radios, television, and (later) computers, fax machines, and the Internet, allow people to live away from the central city without losing touch with its activities. Developments in transportation make it possible for people to commute to work and for many businesses to leave the central city for suburban locations. Still, suburbs are attractive because of decreased crowding and traffic congestion, lower taxes, better schools, less crime, and reduced pollution. In addition, developers find suburban locations cheaper than urban ones, and government policies support the development of suburbs over the central city. Over the last decade, the nature of suburbanization has changed to include the movement of jobs and businesses to the suburbs as well. This change in suburbanization has created the edge city, a suburban unit specializing in a particular economic activity. An edge city will have a focus like computer technology or healthcare, but will also include many other types of economic activities such as office parks, distribution and warehousing clusters, and home offices of national corporations. Edge cities are actually little cities in themselves with a full range of services, including schools, retail sales, restaurants, malls, medical facilities, hotels, motels, recreational complexes, and entertainment centers. While they do not have legal and physical boundaries separating them from the larger urban areas, edge cities have names attached to them. Boomburgs have over 100,000 residents, but are not the largest cities in their metropolitan areas. Census Bureau, the United States has 53 boomburgs, 41 of which exceed 100,000 people. Despite their size, boomburgs retain their suburban character; however, they still have many traditional urban problems such as sprawl, overused government services, and traffic congestion. Consequences of Suburbanization-In the 1930s only the upper and middle classes could afford to live in the suburbs; in the 1950s they were joined by the working class. Despite prohibitions against racial discrimination, until the 1970s the suburbs remained largely white. Although suburban counties are still predominantly white, more minority group members have moved to the suburbs in large numbers. Despite this reduction in the degree of racial segregation, African Americans remain the most isolated ethnic or racial minority in the United States. Latinos and Asians are more suburbanized and less concentrated in the central cities than African Americans. As some minority group members are able to move to the suburbs, the "underclass" accounts for a larger proportion of the remaining central-city population. Businesses followed the more affluent people to the suburbs, attracted by lower tax rates, less expensive land, less congestion, and their customers who have already left the city. With the exodus of the middle class, the manufacturers, and the retailers the central city has lost much of its tax base. As a result, the central city has become increasingly populated by the poor, the unskilled, and the uneducated. The socioeconomic situation in the central city has contributed to the growth of serious social problems. Poor inner-city African American children are handicapped by inferior educational facilities and teachers, and the dropout rate among them is considerably higher than among whites. African Americans in large-city slums exist in a world of poverty, congestion, prostitution, drug addiction, broken homes, and brutality. Gentrification, the development of low-income areas by middle-class home buyers, landlords, and professional developers, is restoring some areas of the city. In addition, there has been movement back into cities by whites, particularly two-income families, singles, and childless couples. Seventy-eight percent of the population in more developed countries lives in urban areas, compared with 49 percent in less developed countries. The urban areas in the more developed countries of the West expanded between 1850 and 1950. In the cities of less developed countries, industrial developments have not kept pace with urbanization so that the supply of labor entering from rural areas exceeds the demand for labor.

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Gardner antibiotics for dogs online 750mg keflex visa, a professor of child psychiatry at Columbia University medical school') antibiotic tendon rupture buy 500mg keflex mastercard. Gardner identifies himself by the courtesy academic title he holds from Columbia University (Clinical Professor of Medicine) virus replication cycle keflex 750mg without a prescription, a title that U virus zero cheap 250 mg keflex fast delivery. Unlike the title Professor of Clinical Medicine, however, the title Gardner enjoys indicates neither full faculty membership nor research accomplishment. The article is unsuccessful, however, because in it Gardner confounds criminal, family law, and personal injury cases; omits essential information. That is so serious that the child will not be able to bond [sic] with the other parent. And unless that parent stops that behavior, that parent should be monitored by a third party. Keating, supra note Parental Alienation Syndrome and Parental Alienation 537 An electronic search for all reported U. The search produced forty-eight cases from twenty states, including the highest courts in six states. In the United States, reliable expert testimony on scientific, technical or other specialized knowledge is generally permitted if it will assist the trier of fact understand the evidence or determine a fact that is in issue. The general-acceptance-in-a-particularfield test first articulated for the federal courts in Frye v. Supreme Court ruled that the Federal Rules of Evidence (adopted in 1975) displaced the Frye test in Daubert v. Most states have also replaced Frye with Daubert, the new test that considers many factors to determine scientific reliability. First, courts are consistent in refusing to permit Gardner to testify on the truth or falsity of witnesses, noting that this question is reserved to the trier of fact. The psychologist had not interviewed either parent or the child, but based his analysis instead on notes made by a therapist who, in turn, had never met the father. By one year after the transfer order, the mother was being permitted a six-hour visit once every two weeks. Parental Alienation Syndrome and Parental Alienation 539 law45 and by other prominent professionals. Gardner should be a rather pathetic footnote or an example of poor scientific standards. Although reference is made to studies [by Gardner] these are unpublished, not described, and are of unknown value. Indeed, to our knowledge, the entire scale and parent[al] alienation syndrome upon which it is based have never been subjected to any kind of peer review or empirical test. In sum, there is no demonstrated ability of this scale to make valid predictions based on the identified criteria. As Faller puts it, Gardner has repudiated the numbers produced by his scale, but not the factors. As a general matter, custodial households are at a financial disadvantage in the United States, and custodial parents are less likely than noncustodial parents to be represented in custody litigation. Improved Science but More Bad Policy Faced with such widespread misinformation and the harm that it may be causing in custody cases, leading scholars are now attempting to refine the area. In addition to their written works, some are now responding to Gardner on his own turf by presenting papers at professional meetings and continuing education courses for judges, attorneys and mental health professionals. Similar analytical sloppiness has accompanied other recent fads in American custody law-theories favoring joint physical custody over the objections of a parent, opposing relocation of custodial households, enforcing frequent visitation in highconflict (even physically abusive) cases, and permitting dispositional recommendations from mediators to courts. In each of these areas, a great many troubling trial court decisions had been entered before leading scholars and practitioners pointed out their flawed reasoning. For a critical assessment of one such more recent innovation see the textual discussion below of so-called special masters. As described by the editors, the purpose is ``to review the psychological and legal difficulties with Parental Alienation Syndrome. Next, they distinguish ``alienation' from ``estrangement' (although these terms have been synonymous in ordinary usage) and point out that there are many possible reasons for objections to or interference with visitation. In their joint article for the issue, Johnston and Kelly argue for a new formulation that would distinguish alienated children ``from other children who also resist contact with a parent after separation but for a variety of normal developmentally expectable reasons (including realistic estrangement from violent, neglectful, or abusive parents). The following summary is based largely on Kelly & Johnston, the Alienated Child, supra note 55. Disagreement with Gardner concerning custody changes, however, appears in a companion piece, Janet R. It draws on two decades of specialized knowledge and skill derived from more humane methods of educating, mediating, and counseling. Johnston and her co-authors do, however, accept what they term ``judicious and coordinate use of legal constraints and case management together with these therapeutic interventions,' and adopt certain coercive recommendations from a companion piece by Sullivan and Kelly. From this viewpoint, the pernicious behaviors of a ``programming' parent are no longer the starting point. Rather, the problem of the alienated child begins with a primary focus on the child, his or her observable behaviors, and parentchild relationships. In line with more general psychological theory, these children are to be protected from the trauma of an abrupt termination of their primary relationship. These authors are careful in their references to research literature and usually qualify their claims appropriately. In addition, to varying degrees they provide helpful clinical insights for the use of therapists whose work includes families with child-parent antipathies. To this extent, their insights, although not yet scientifically proven, are an important step forward. Unfortunately, however, these mental health specialists, like Gardner before them, go far beyond their data as they craft recommendations for extended, coercive, highly intrusive judicial interventions. They recommend a court-appointed ``special master' (that is, a lawyer or mental health professional) to lead a team consisting potentially of therapists for each family member, a co-parent counselor, and attorneys for the parties and child. As articulated by Sullivan and Kelly, the special master assumes a quasi-judicial role ``including child-specific decision making, case management, further assessments. The authors acknowledge in passing, without explanation, that their recommendation may come under legal or ethical scrutiny. Sullivan and Kelly recommend orders splitting all uninsured costs equally between the parties throughout their article. Sullivan and Kelly may have confounded voluntary stipulations with court orders following litigation. Margaret Lee) that a special master be appointed over the objection of one parent and also reversed an order excusing the special master from requirements that the proceedings be reported. The appellate court held, [T]he authority of the trial court to [designate a separate forum to resolve family law disputes] is constrained by the basic [state] constitutional principle that judicial power may not be delegated. The trial court has no authority to assign matters to a referee or special master for decision without explicit statutory authorization. When, as here, the parties do not consent to a reference, the authority of the trial court to direct a special reference is limited to particular issues. The trial court has no power to refer issues other than those explicitly specified by statute. As the court also pointed out, the case did not involve the appointment of a court commissioner. Thieriot on a second issue as to which the trial court accepted a recommendation from Dr. California evidence law, for example, requires that judges recognize privileges such as patient therapist confidentiality on the motion of any party or, indeed, sua sponte, unless a specific exception applies. The failure of these leading forensic specialists to address this issue leaves unclear whether they do not understand the distinction, or whether it is simply unimportant to them. In either case, the possibility that quasi-judicial decisions might be entered by those who do not find such distinctions dispositive is troubling at best. Even if they were lawful, the authors concede that their proposed remedies are extremely costly. Similarly, there is clinical support but no empirical research demonstrating that by letting go of the relationship, the rejected parent and child will at some later time reconcile and restore the relationship.

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